Chapter XXVI

In September Levin moved to Moscow for
Kitty’s confinement. He had spent a whole month in Moscow with
nothing to do, when Sergey Ivanovitch, who had property in the
Kashinsky province, and took great interest in the question of the
approaching elections, made ready to set off to the elections. He
invited his brother, who had a vote in the Seleznevsky district, to
come with him. Levin had, moreover, to transact in Kashin some
extremely important business relating to the wardship of land and
to the receiving of certain redemption-money for his sister, who
was abroad.
Levin still hesitated, but Kitty, who saw that he
was bored in Moscow, and urged him to go, on her own authority
ordered him the proper nobleman’s uniform, costing seven pounds.
And that seven pounds paid for the uniform was the chief cause that
finally decided Levin to go. He went to Kashin....
Levin had been six days in Kashin, visiting the
assembly each day, and busily engaged about his sister’s business,
which still dragged on. The district marshals of nobility were all
occupied with the elections, and it was impossible to get the
simplest thing done that depended upon the court of wardship. The
other matter, the payment of the sums due, was met too by
difficulties. After long negotiations over the legal details, the
money was at last ready to be paid; but the notary, a most obliging
person, could not hand over the order, because it must have the
signature of the president, and the president, though he had not
given over his duties to a deputy, was at the elections. All these
worrying negotiations, this endless going from place to place, and
talking with pleasant and excellent people, who quite saw the
unpleasantness of the petitioner’s position, but were powerless to
assist him—all these efforts that yielded no result, led to a
feeling of misery in Levin akin to the mortifying helplessness one
experiences in dreams when one tries to use physical force. He felt
this frequently as he talked to his most good-natured solicitor.
This solicitor did, it seemed, everything possible, and strained
every nerve to get him out of his difficulties. “I tell you what
you might try,” he said more than once; “go to so-and-so and
so-and-so,” and the solicitor drew up a regular plan for getting
round the fatal point that hindered everything. But he would add
immediately, “It’ll mean some delay, anyway, but you might try it.”
And Levin did try, and did go. Every one was kind and civil, but
the point evaded seemed to crop up again in the end, and again to
bar the way. What was particularly trying, was that Levin could not
make out with whom he was struggling, to whose interest it was that
his business should not be done. That no one seemed to know; the
solicitor certainly did not know. If Levin could have understood
why, just as he saw why one can only approach the booking-office of
a railway station in single file, it would not have been so
vexatious and tiresome to him. But with the hindrances that
confronted him in his business, no one could explain why they
existed.
But Levin had changed a good deal since his
marriage; he was patient, and if he could not see why it was all
arranged like this, he told himself that he could not judge without
knowing all about it, and that most likely it must be so, and he
tried not to fret.
In attending the elections, too, and taking part in
them, he tried now not to judge, not to fall foul of them, but to
comprehend as fully as he could the question which was so earnestly
and ardently absorbing honest and excellent men whom he respected.
Since his marriage there had been revealed to Levin so many new and
serious aspects of life that had previously, through his frivolous
attitude to them, seemed of no importance, that in the question of
the elections too he assumed and tried to find some serious
significance.
Sergey Ivanovitch explained to him the meaning and
object of the proposed revolution at the elections. The marshal of
the province in whose hands the law had placed the control of so
many important public functions—the guardianship of wards (the very
department which was giving Levin so much trouble just now), the
disposal of large sums subscribed by the nobility of the province,
the high schools, female, male, and military, and popular
instruction on the new model, and finally, the district council—the
marshal of the province, Snetkov, was a nobleman of the old
school,—dissipating an immense fortune, a good-hearted man, honest
after his own fashion, but utterly without any comprehension of the
needs of modern days. He always took, in every question, the side
of the nobility; he was positively antagonistic to the spread of
popular education, and he succeeded in giving a purely party
character to the district council which ought by rights to be of
such an immense importance. What was needed was to put in his place
a fresh, capable, perfectly modern man, of contemporary ideas, and
to frame their policy so as from the rights conferred upon the
nobles, not as the nobility, but as an element of the district
council, to extract all the powers of self-government that could
possibly be derived from them. In the wealthy Kashinsky province,
which always took the lead of other provinces in everything, there
was now such a preponderance of forces that this policy, once
carried through properly there, might serve as a model for other
provinces for all Russia. And hence the whole question was of the
greatest importance. It was proposed to elect as marshal in place
of Snetkov either Sviazhsky, or, better still, Nevyedovsky, a
former university professor, a man of remarkable intelligence and a
great friend of Sergey Ivanovitch.
The meeting was opened by the governor, who made a
speech to the nobles, urging them to elect the public
functionaries, not from regard for persons, but for the service and
welfare of their fatherland, and hoping that the honorable nobility
of the Kashinsky province would, as at all former elections, hold
their duty as sacred, and vindicate the exalted confidence of the
monarch.
When he had finished with his speech, the governor
walked out of the hall, and the noblemen noisily and eagerly—some
even enthusiastically—followed him and thronged round him while he
put on his fur coat and conversed amicably with the marshal of the
province. Levin, anxious to see into everything and not to miss
anything, stood there too in the crowd, and heard the governor say:
“Please tell Marya Ivanovna my wife is very sorry she couldn’t come
to the Home.” And thereupon the nobles in high good-humor sorted
out their fur coats and all drove off to the cathedral.
In the cathedral Levin, lifting his hand like the
rest and repeating the words of the archdeacon, swore with most
terrible oaths to do all the governor had hoped they would do.
Church services always affected Levin, and as he uttered the words
“I kiss the cross,” and glanced round at the crowd of young and old
men repeating the same, he felt touched.
On the second and third days there was business
relating to the finances of the nobility and the female high
school, of no importance whatever, as Sergey Ivanovitch explained,
and Levin, busy seeing after his own affairs, did not attend the
meetings. On the fourth day the auditing of the marshal’s accounts
took place at the high table of the marshal of the province. And
then there occurred the first skirmish between the new party and
the old. The committee who had been deputed to verify the accounts
reported to the meeting that all was in order. The marshal of the
province got up, thanked the nobility for their confidence, and
shed tears. The nobles gave him a loud welcome, and shook hands
with him. But at that instant a nobleman of Sergey Ivanovitch’s
party said that he had heard that the committee had not verified
the accounts, considering such a verification an insult to the
marshal of the province. One of the members of the committee
incautiously admitted this. Then a small gentleman, very
young-looking but very malignant, began to say that it would
probably be agreeable to the marshal of the province to give an
account of his expenditures of the public moneys, and that the
misplaced delicacy of the members of the committee was depriving
him of this moral satisfaction. Then the members of the committee
tried to withdraw their admission, and Sergey Ivanovitch began to
prove that they must logically admit either that they had verified
the accounts or that they had not, and he developed this dilemma in
detail. Sergey Ivanovitch was answered by the spokesman of the
opposite party. Then Sviazhsky spoke, and then the malignant
gentleman again. The discussion lasted a long time and ended in
nothing. Levin was surprised that they should dispute upon this
subject so long, especially as, when he asked Sergey Ivanovitch
whether he supposed that money had been misappropriated, Sergey
Ivanovitch answered:
“Oh, no! He’s an honest man. But those
old-fashioned methods of paternal family arrangements in the
management of provincial affairs must be broken down.”
On the fifth day came the elections of the district
marshals. It was rather a stormy day in several districts. In the
Seleznevsky district Sviazhsky was elected unanimously without a
ballot, and he gave a dinner that evening.